He called on traditional rulers across the South West to recognise the limits of their roles in today’s society and to focus more on cooperation than rivalry. In his view unity respect and collective leadership among monarchs would better serve their people and help preserve peace culture and development.  Some commentators defended the Alaafin’s throne describing it as a symbol of historic leadership in Yoruba civilisation. Others rejected any suggestion of political superiority arguing that Yoruba tradition is broader and more complex with Ile Ife often seen as the spiritual foundation of the race through the Ooni of Ife. 

Burna Boy was held hostage in Morocco over jewellery 

While in the midst of the Oba saga, a breaking news arosed from Morocco as Burna Boy was hold hostage in airport. According to report, What was meant to be a smooth arrival ahead of a major continental celebration briefly turned tense for Nigerian music star Burna Boy when he landed in Morocco. Just hours before he was due to headline the Africa Cup of Nations Fan Zone concert in Rabat, the Grammy winner ran into an unexpected delay at the airport. The situation came to light after the President of the Confederation of African Football, Patrice Motsepe, spoke about the incident during a media briefing. According to him, Burna Boy was stopped by customs officials who raised concerns after noticing the expensive gold jewellery he was wearing. The items reportedly drew attention during routine checks and led to the singer being held for clarification. 

Motsepe explained that he was alerted to the matter and stepped in to help resolve it. He said the issue did not escalate and was settled calmly after discussions with the relevant authorities, allowing the artist to continue with his plans. Despite the brief setback, Burna Boy made it to the venue as scheduled and delivered his performance later that day. He took centre stage on January 16 at the AFCON Fan Zone concert in Rabat, much to the excitement of fans who had waited all day for the show.

The concert also featured performances by Ghanaian reggae dancehall star Stonebwoy, alongside popular Moroccan musicians Stormy and Jaylann. The event went on without further issues, blending football fever with music and celebration as AFCON activities continued across the host nation. What began as a minor airport delay ended as just another behind the scenes story in the busy life of one of Africa’s biggest music exports, with the night ultimately remembered for its music rather than the momentary hold up.

Uganda has returned President Yoweri Museveni to office for yet another term after an election that unfolded under heavy security pressure widespread fear and a near total shutdown of digital communication. The announcement on Saturday confirmed what many Ugandans expected long before voting day that the man who has ruled the country for four decades would remain firmly in charge. According to official results released by the Electoral Commission Museveni secured 71.65 percent of the vote in elections held on Thursday. His closest challenger Robert Kyagulanyi better known as Bobi Wine received 24.72 percent. The figures extend Museveni’s grip on power and place him on course to continue ruling well into his eighties.

Museveni is now 81 years old and has led Uganda since 1986. Over the years constitutional changes have removed age and term limits allowing him to contest repeatedly. Supporters describe him as a stabilizing force in a country once battered by coups and civil war. Critics argue that his long rule has hollowed out democratic institutions and turned elections into rituals rather than real contests. This year’s vote was conducted in an atmosphere that many observers say was among the most tense in recent memory. African election monitoring groups reported widespread arrests intimidation and alleged abductions of opposition supporters activists and local organizers. According to these observers the actions of security agencies created an environment of fear that discouraged open political activity especially in urban areas seen as opposition strongholds. Reports from human rights groups and local media indicated that at least ten people were killed during election related incidents. Several others were injured or detained. Families in some neighborhoods said they avoided polling units entirely choosing safety over participation. In other areas soldiers and police were visibly deployed around voting centers adding to the sense that the state was prepared to use force to control the process.

One of the most striking features of the election was the nationwide internet shutdown imposed hours before voting began. Social media platforms messaging services and independent online news sites became inaccessible to most Ugandans. The government justified the move as a security measure but critics said it was designed to prevent real time reporting coordination and scrutiny. For many young Ugandans the blackout felt like being cut off from the world at a critical moment. Mobile money services were disrupted affecting traders and transport workers. Journalists struggled to communicate with editors. Election observers found it difficult to share updates. The silence deepened suspicion and anxiety especially as rumors spread offline without any way to verify them.

At the center of the opposition challenge was Bobi Wine a 43 year old former pop star who turned his fame into political influence. Once celebrated for music that spoke to the frustrations of ordinary people he has become the most prominent face of resistance to Museveni’s rule. His rise has been met with persistent pressure from the state including arrests beatings court cases and restrictions on his movement. Wine first ran for president in 2021 and although he lost that contest he emerged as a serious political force especially among younger voters. Since then his party the National Unity Platform has faced continuous harassment. Party offices have been raided meetings broken up and supporters detained. Several NUP legislators have spoken openly about being followed or threatened. After the latest election Wine rejected the official results outright. He described them as fabricated and insisted that the true outcome did not reflect the will of the people. In a message shared on social media platform X on Saturday he said security forces had raided his home late Friday night forcing him to flee for his safety. He said he managed to escape before soldiers could arrest him and was now in hiding. According to Wine his wife and other family members remained under house arrest. He said security agents were searching for him and that he was doing everything possible to stay alive.

His statement painted a picture of a man on the run in his own country days after contesting a presidential election. Supporters reacted with alarm while critics of the government said the situation showed how little tolerance existed for dissent. Police authorities quickly disputed Wine’s account. The national police spokesperson Kituuma Rusoke told reporters that there had been no raid on Wine’s residence. He said the police had only restricted access in certain areas they considered security hotspots. According to him Wine was not under arrest and remained free to move.

Rusoke said the police were not preventing anyone from seeing the opposition leader but insisted they could not allow gatherings at his home that might incite violence. He suggested that Wine was still at his residence and dismissed claims that he had been taken away by force. The disagreement between Wine and the police deepened confusion and mistrust, While opposition figures insisted that the heavy security presence around Wine’s home amounted to house arrest police maintained that they were simply maintaining order. The situation became more complicated when the National Unity Platform alleged that an army helicopter had landed inside Wine’s compound on Friday night and that soldiers forcibly removed him to an unknown location. The claim spread rapidly before the internet shutdown made verification difficult. Independent confirmation was not possible and international news agencies said they could not verify the allegation. At a televised news conference Rusoke flatly denied the claim. He said Wine was at home and had not been arrested. He repeated that the opposition leader was free to move and that police were acting within the law. Attempts to reach Wine or NUP officials for immediate comment were unsuccessful.

Despite the denials Wine continued to insist that he was in danger. His party accused the government of attempting to silence him ahead of possible protests. Wine has previously called on supporters to demonstrate against what he described as mass electoral fraud. The government has warned that protests would not be tolerated citing security concerns. Uganda has a history of harsh crackdowns on demonstrations particularly those led by opposition groups. Past protests have resulted in deaths injuries and mass arrests. Many citizens therefore fear that any attempt to mobilize on the streets could lead to bloodshed. The role of the Electoral Commission has also come under scrutiny. Opposition parties have long accused it of bias toward the ruling party. In this election the commission dismissed allegations of irregularities and said the vote reflected the will of the people. It urged all candidates to resolve disputes through legal channels.

Museveni in his victory speech praised Ugandans for what he described as a peaceful election. He thanked security forces for maintaining order and said the results showed that the country was united behind his leadership. He did not directly address reports of violence or the internet shutdown. For many Ugandans especially those who have known no other leader the result felt both familiar and exhausting. Museveni came to power promising democracy and economic renewal after years of chaos. While the country has experienced periods of growth and relative stability critics say political freedoms have steadily shrunk. Young people make up the majority of Uganda’s population and many struggle with unemployment rising living costs and limited opportunities. Wine’s message of change resonated strongly with this demographic. His inability to translate that support into electoral victory has left many feeling frustrated and powerless.

International reaction has been cautious. Some foreign governments have congratulated Museveni while urging respect for human rights and democratic principles. Others have expressed concern about the election environment without directly challenging the outcome. African observers who monitored the vote said the combination of violence intimidation and communication restrictions undermined confidence in the process. They noted that while voting took place the broader conditions fell short of standards for free and fair elections. As Museveni begins another term questions remain about Uganda’s political future. Will dissent continue to be met with force or will there be space for dialogue and reform. Can opposition movements survive sustained pressure and still mobilize supporters. And how long can a country remain stable when large segments of its population feel excluded from meaningful political participation.

For now the reality on the ground is clear, Museveni remains in power Bobi Wine remains defiant and Uganda remains deeply divided. The events surrounding the election have left scars that will not fade quickly. Behind the official numbers are stories of fear hope courage and disappointment playing out in homes streets and villages across the country. Whether the next five years bring reconciliation or further tension will depend not just on those at the top but on how the state chooses to treat its critics and how citizens choose to respond. Uganda has spoken through its institutions but many of its people are still asking whether their voices were truly heard.

 Also Read: Bandits Strike Royal Palace in Kwara Community, Exposing Security Gaps in Rural Nigeria.

For millions of Lagos residents who depend daily on the Lagos Badagry Expressway, the coming months will demand patience, planning, and perhaps a deeper breath before every journey. The Mazamaza Bridge, a key link on that busy corridor, is set to undergo a lengthy maintenance programme that will stretch over four months. At the same time, the state government is stepping up enforcement against street gangs and roadside extortion that have become an everyday worry for motorists across the city. Together, both developments paint a familiar Lagos picture. A city constantly under construction, constantly fixing yesterday’s problems while preparing for tomorrow, and at the same time trying to keep disorder and insecurity in check. The Lagos State Government has confirmed that repair work on Mazamaza Bridge will begin on Monday, January 19, 2026. The exercise is expected to last for 18 weeks, running into late May. Officials insist the work is unavoidable and necessary, not just as routine maintenance, but as part of larger plans to eventually tear down and rebuild the bridge entirely.

Mazamaza Bridge sits along one of Lagos busiest transport routes, serving commuters heading between Badagry, Mile 2, and the wider metropolis. Over the years, the structure has carried heavy traffic well beyond what it was originally designed for. It now also stands in the way of another major ambition of the state government, the extension of the Blue Line rail from Mile 2 to Okokomaiko. According to the Commissioner for Transportation, Oluwaseun Osiyemi, the immediate task is to carry out repairs on critical parts of the bridge, especially its expansion joints and other structural components. These are parts that allow the bridge to flex slightly under load and temperature changes. When they weaken, the entire structure is put under strain.

The commissioner explained that the maintenance will affect both the Toll Lanes and the Service Lanes on both sides of the road. This means traffic heading towards Badagry and traffic heading into central Lagos will all feel the impact at different stages. However, Osiyemi stressed that the bridge will never be completely shut down at any point during the exercise. Instead, traffic will be redirected and managed through a combination of Toll Lanes, BRT corridors, and Service Lanes depending on which section is being worked on at the time. In practical terms, motorists should expect frequent lane changes, narrowed roads, and slower movement for much of the 18 week period. While officials have tried to design the diversion plan to reduce disruption, anyone familiar with Lagos traffic knows that even a small adjustment can have ripple effects across the city.

The work itself will follow a carefully phased schedule. Before full repairs begin, there will be a short preliminary period toward the end of January. During this time, engineers and traffic managers will prepare work zones, install signage, and observe traffic flow to fine tune diversion plans. Once this preparation phase ends, the main repairs will begin in earnest. The first major stretch of work will focus on lanes heading towards Badagry. Over several weeks, different sections of the inbound Badagry lanes will be partially closed and repaired. During some phases, traffic normally using the Toll Lane will be diverted to the BRT corridor. At other times, the arrangement will be reversed, with the Toll Lane absorbing traffic while work is carried out on the BRT side. Service Lanes will also be affected. In many cases, traffic on these lanes will be reduced to a single lane for a period before being restored once repairs are completed.

After the Badagry bound side is completed, attention will shift to lanes heading into Lagos. The same pattern will apply, alternating diversions between the BRT and Toll Lanes while Service Lanes are temporarily narrowed. By the end of May, all sections should be reopened fully, bringing the maintenance phase to a close.  Throughout this period, the government is urging drivers to cooperate with traffic officials and obey road signs. Officers of the Lagos State Traffic Management Authority will be deployed along the corridor to guide vehicles and manage congestion. Beyond the immediate inconvenience, the state government argues that the repairs are part of a much bigger picture. In December 2024, officials from the Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority revealed that detailed structural assessments of Mazamaza Bridge had raised serious concerns.

According to the Director of Rail Transport at the authority, engineers found that the bridge in its current state does not have the strength required to safely carry rail infrastructure. This discovery forced the government to reconsider earlier plans and settle on a more drastic solution. The long term plan is to demolish the existing bridge and replace it entirely with a new structure designed specifically to accommodate both road traffic and rail operations. The proposed bridge will be built to international standards, supported by dozens of piers, and engineered to last for several decades. For now, the maintenance programme is meant to keep the bridge functional and safe until that full reconstruction can begin. Officials believe it is better to endure months of controlled disruption now than risk a sudden failure later. While road users prepare for this long stretch of adjustment, another aspect of city life is also drawing attention. In a separate development, the Lagos State Taskforce has intensified its operations against street gangs and roadside extortionists who prey on motorists and pedestrians.

Over the past week, taskforce operatives carried out coordinated raids across several parts of the state. By the end of the operation, a total of 281 suspects had been arrested. Many of them are described as street urchins or members of loosely organised groups that locals commonly refer to as Omotaku. These groups have become notorious for harassing drivers, intimidating passersby, and forcing people to hand over money under threat or pressure. Their presence is often felt at traffic junctions, bus stops, and congested roads where vehicles are forced to slow down.

The Commissioner for Environment and Water Resources, Tokunbo Wahab, confirmed the arrests in a public update. He explained that the raids were carried out in response to repeated complaints from residents and motorists who feel unsafe or harassed on the roads. Areas covered during the operation included some of Lagos most prominent neighbourhoods and transport corridors. From Lekki Phase One and Ikoyi on the Island to Egbeda, Akowonjo, and Fadeyi on the Mainland, taskforce officers moved through known hotspots where these groups are often seen.

Other locations included major roads and junctions such as the Lekki Ajah Expressway, Victoria Island, Yaba, Ojuelegba, Surulere, and parts of Lagos Island. In many of these places, commuters have grown used to seeing young men approach cars aggressively or block roads while demanding money. According to Wahab, the arrests are part of a broader effort to reclaim public spaces and restore a sense of order on Lagos streets. He urged residents to remain vigilant and to report any incidents involving street harassment or extortion to the Taskforce. To support this, the state has provided dedicated phone lines that Lagosians can call for quick response whenever they encounter such nuisance. The commissioner emphasized that public cooperation is essential if the effort is to have lasting impact. For many residents, the timing of these developments is significant. Road construction and repairs often create the kind of traffic congestion that street gangs exploit. When vehicles are stuck or moving slowly, drivers become easy targets. As the Mazamaza Bridge repairs get underway, traffic buildup along the Lagos Badagry corridor is almost inevitable.

The government appears aware of this connection. By combining traffic management efforts with stronger enforcement against street crime, officials hope to reduce both frustration and insecurity during the long maintenance period. Still, skepticism remains. Lagosians have seen similar operations in the past, with bursts of enforcement followed by a gradual return of the same problems. Whether this latest crackdown will lead to lasting change is a question only time can answer.

What is certain is that the next few months will test the patience of commuters who rely on the Mazamaza Bridge and surrounding routes. Early morning departures may need to be earlier. Evening journeys may stretch longer. Drivers will have to pay closer attention to signs and instructions as lane arrangements shift from one phase to another. At the same time, residents are being reminded that they have a role to play, not just in obeying traffic rules, but in reporting criminal behaviour and supporting efforts to keep roads safe. Lagos has always been a city in motion, sometimes chaotic, often exhausting, but constantly evolving. The repairs on Mazamaza Bridge and the renewed push against street crime are just two more chapters in that ongoing story. For now, the message from the authorities is simple. Expect delays. Stay alert. Cooperate with officials. And hold on while the city works through another season of change.

Also Read: Abdul Samad Rabiu maintain his earlier promised as he honors $500,000 Pledge to Super Eagles Despite AFCON 2025 Semi-Final Exit.

In the dry open lands of eastern Ethiopia livestock has always been more than an economic activity, It is life. For generations cattle goats and sheep have been the main source of food income and social standing for families spread across Dire Dawa Harar and large parts of the Somali Regional State. Today that way of life is under growing pressure as animal feed becomes harder to find and more expensive to afford. Across these regions pastoralists and semi pastoral farmers are facing a situation many describe as one of the hardest in recent years. The problem is not a sudden disaster. It is a slow tightening. Feed prices have climbed steadily over the past six months while grazing land has continued to shrink. Together these changes are pushing families into difficult decisions that could shape their future for years.

Livestock traders in major markets around Dire Dawa say the cost of commercial animal feed has risen by more than sixty percent within a short period, Feed that was once within reach for small producers has become a luxury. Bags that sold at manageable prices last year are now priced far beyond what many households can afford. Veterinary officers working in rural areas confirm the same trend. They say farmers now visit clinics not only with sick animals but also with questions about feeding. Many ask how long animals can survive on reduced rations. Others ask whether crop waste can replace proper feed. These questions were rare in the past. The pressure is worsened by changes on the land itself, Natural grazing areas that once supported large herds are no longer reliable. Prolonged dry conditions have reduced grass growth. At the same time land use changes including expansion of settlements farming and infrastructure have cut into traditional grazing routes. What remains is often overused and exhausted.

For pastoral families the impact is immediate and personal, When animals do not eat well they lose weight. When they lose weight they fetch lower prices in the market. Many families say they are now selling animals earlier than planned simply to avoid watching them deteriorate further. In livestock markets goats sheep and cattle are arriving in larger numbers but buyers are cautious, Animals look thinner. Milk producing animals yield less. Traders say demand has weakened because buyers know animals are underfed. Prices drop further. The result is that families sell more but earn less.

A pastoralist from the outskirts of Harar explained that selling early is not a choice but a survival move. Keeping animals without feed means watching value disappear day by day. Selling at a loss is painful but watching animals die would be worse. This pattern is repeating across communities. Herd sizes are shrinking not because families want fewer animals but because they cannot sustain them. Young animals are especially affected. Poor nutrition weakens their immunity and slows growth. Veterinary officials warn that this creates conditions for disease outbreaks.

According to veterinary officers poor feeding is often the hidden cause behind many livestock diseases. When animals are weak infections spread faster and recovery takes longer. In young animals the risk is even higher, Losses among calves kids and lambs can wipe out future herd recovery. Local cooperatives involved in feed supply say the problem is not limited to farmers alone. Feed mills are struggling as well. Many mills are operating below capacity, Input costs have risen sharply. Some feed additives are imported and foreign exchange shortages have made procurement difficult. When mills cannot get inputs production slows. When production slows supply tightens and prices rise further.

This creates a cycle that is hard to break. Farmers cannot afford feed, Mills cannot produce enough feed. Traders pass on higher costs. Everyone feels the strain. In response some pastoral communities have started changing their feeding practices. In several areas farmers are now feeding animals with crop residues much earlier than usual. Stalks from sorghum maize and other crops are being used weeks or even months ahead of the normal dry season period. While this helps animals survive it is not ideal. Crop residues are low in nutrients and cannot replace balanced feed for long. Veterinary officers warn that relying on residues too early reduces options later in the season when conditions may worsen. The shift also shows how stretched families have become. What was once a backup plan is now a main strategy.

Regional authorities are aware of the situation. Officials in local administrations acknowledge that livestock producers are under pressure. However emergency feed support has not yet been approved. Authorities cite budget constraints and competing humanitarian needs including food assistance for vulnerable populations. This delay worries local leaders and community elders. They say that once livestock systems collapse recovery is slow and costly. Animals take years to rebuild. Skills and traditions can be lost in one season. Livestock plays a major role in Ethiopia’s economy and food security. It provides meat milk hides and income for millions of households. In eastern regions it is often the primary source of livelihood. When livestock suffers entire communities feel the impact.

Experts warn that continued feed shortages could have wider consequences. Reduced milk production affects child nutrition, Lower meat supply pushes prices up in urban markets. Falling household income increases poverty and dependence on aid. There is also concern about long term changes. When families sell animals under pressure some never return to herding, Young people move away. Knowledge fades. What begins as a feed shortage can quietly reshape rural society.

Local leaders are calling for practical solutions, They urge authorities to prioritise emergency feed support before losses deepen. They also called for investment in local fodder production such as drought resistant grasses and community managed feed reserves. Reducing dependence on imported feed additives is another priority. Experts say supporting local feed processing and encouraging use of local materials could ease pressure in the long run. For now families continue to adjust day by day. They count animals. They measure feed. They watch the weather. Decisions are made quietly within households often late at night. There are no dramatic scenes, No protests. Just a steady strain on a way of life that has endured for centuries.

Also In Nigeria, Local Rice Seed Shortage Disrupts Dry Season Farming Across Parts of Niger State. 

Rice farmers in several local government areas of Niger State are facing serious planting delays following an unexpected shortage of local rice seed varieties ahead of the dry season farming cycle, The affected areas include Wushishi Shiroro Lavun and parts of Katcha where dry season rice farming supports thousands of households and contributes significantly to food supply in the state. Farmers interviewed confirmed that commonly used local rice seeds such as Faro 44 and other adapted varieties are no longer available in sufficient quantities. Many farmers said they searched through multiple markets in Bida Minna and Lapai without success.

According to farmers the shortage began quietly in late November but became obvious by mid December when traders started rationing available stock or selling at sharply increased prices, A bag of rice seed that sold for an average of twelve thousand naira last season now sells for between twenty eight thousand and thirty five thousand naira where available. Some farmers said they were forced to reduce the size of their farms while others delayed planting entirely, A number of irrigation fields along the Kaduna River and smaller streams remain idle despite available water.

Local seed merchants blamed the shortage on low seed recovery from the last harvest, They said heavy flooding during the 2025 rainy season damaged many seed farms and reduced quality. Others pointed to increased demand from neighbouring states including Kebbi and Kwara. Officials of the Niger State Ministry of Agriculture confirmed awareness of the situation but said seed distribution under government programmes had not yet commenced.

One senior officer who spoke on condition of anonymity said budget delays affected early procurement and distribution of certified seed, Agricultural extension workers in the area warned that delayed planting could reduce overall dry season rice output and increase market prices later in the year. Small scale farmers are expected to be the most affected as larger commercial farms already secured seed supplies through private contracts. Farmers associations have called on the state government to urgently release seed reserves and support community seed multiplication to prevent further disruption.

Nigeria’s dream of reaching the Africa Cup of Nations final ended on Wednesday night in Rabat. The Super Eagles battled Morocco for 120 minutes without a goal and then lost in the penalty shootout, Morocco scored four while Nigeria converted only two. Samuel Chukwueze and Bruno Onyemaechi missed their kicks. The hosts advanced to face Senegal in the final while Nigeria will now contest for third place against Egypt. The loss was painful but Nigerians had begun to believe again after a strong run. The team swept through the group stage, defeated Mozambique in the round of 16, and beat Algeria 2–0 in the quarterfinals with goals from Victor Osimhen and Akor Adams. Coach Eric Chelle had sincerely engaged the squad playing with discipline and purpose. Hopes of a first continental title since 2013 were alive until the semifinal. 

Before that match, businessman Abdul Samad Rabiu had promised a huge incentive. On January 10, after the Algeria victory, he announced that the team would receive five hundred thousand dollars ($500,000) if they beat Morocco. He also added another fifty thousand dollars ($500,000) for every goal in that game and one million dollars plus one hundred thousand per goal if they went on to win the final. It was a clear performance based pledge.  Rabiu is always known for his bold gestures. He leads BUA Group, one of Nigeria’s largest companies in cement, sugar, and ports. Forbes values him at around seven to eight billion dollars. Through his foundation ASR Africa he has funded hospitals, schools, and water projects. His style is to make the same visible impact Nigeria football national team. The promise was well received. Social media buzzed with praise and players likely felt the extra motivation. Facing Morocco at home was always going to be tough. The crowd roared and the hosts controlled much of the play. Nigeria defended bravely with goalkeeper Stanley Nwabali making key saves but the breakthrough never came. Penalties decided the night.  

Usually such pledges vanish when conditions are not met. Sponsors tie money to results. But Rabiu chose a different path. Hours after the defeat he posted again. He told the players they had fought with heart and gave their all. He said the money would still be paid as a reward for effort and pride.  By Thursday morning the news spread quickly. Many Nigerians praised him as a patriot who kept his word even in defeat. Some questioned why he changed the terms but most saw it as a rare act of support in a sport where bonuses often arrive late or not at all.  The payment raises questions about future pledges. Will others feel pressure to honor promises even when results fall short. Does it set a new standard where effort is valued as much as victory. Rabiu’s background in philanthropy offers clues. His projects in health and education continue even when challenges arise. He may see football in the same light. 

Here is the latest twit by the billionaire. 

It is not yet clear how the money will be shared among players and staff but it will be welcomed after a painful exit. For stars like Osimhen and Lookman the bonus is a boost before returning to club duties.  The bigger picture is that Nigerian football still needs stronger structures. AFCON 2025 showed progress but also exposed familiar problems in preparation and funding. Rabiu’s gesture highlights what private support can achieve but lasting change requires more than one man’s generosity.  

The Super Eagles leave Morocco with lessons and pride. They reached the last four and entertained their fans. Rabiu’s payment softens the disappointment and reminds the team that their effort was seen and valued.  Attention now turns to the third place match and upcoming World Cup qualifiers. Whether Chelle continues as coach and how the squad builds for the next AFCON will be closely watched. For now one businessman has shown that even in defeat support can still arrive right on time.

Boast African reporting : Fear is once again doing what guns and weak protection tend to do faster than any official directive in Nigeria. It is clearing out villages quietly. No evacuation orders and no sirens. Just families leaving at night, carrying what they can and abandoning the rest. In eastern Sokoto State, farming communities are emptying out after fresh threats linked to a well known armed group leader Tuji Belo attempt to strike again. In Isa Local Government Area of Sokoto State, Tidibale is the kind of village most Nigerians would never hear about unless something goes wrong. It is a small agrarian settlement where life follows the farming calendar. People plant, they weed, they harvest and  they start again in another season. Over the past few days, that rhythm has broken. Tidibale and nearby settlements have been steadily emptying, driven by renewed threats attributed to Bello Turji, a prominent armed group leader operating across the northwest. Residents say the message was delivered after months of relative quiet. It did not come with much explanation. It did not need to. The warning was clear enough. Communities were told there would be serious consequences if they failed to align themselves. In this part of the country, “alignment” has an established meaning. Do not resist. Do not alert authorities. Do not cooperate with security forces. And, when demanded, pay.

The response was swift. People did not wait to see whether the threat would turn into an attack. They began to leave. Motorcycles were loaded with bags. Old pickup trucks were packed tight. Women tied children to their backs. Elderly residents were helped onto whatever transport was available. Fields were left unattended just as preparations for the next planting season should have been underway. Livestock remained behind. Stored grain was abandoned. Household items that could not be carried were locked up and left. The thinking was direct and unsentimental. Crops can be replanted. Lives cannot. Many families headed toward Isa town or Gidan Hamisu. Others crossed into parts of Shinkafi Local Government Area in neighbouring Zamfara State, hoping distance would offer some protection. Some found space with relatives. Others slept in unfinished buildings or makeshift shelters. Nobody can say how long this displacement will last. Fewer still believe a return will come quickly. Short videos shared among residents show lines of vehicles moving people and possessions out of the villages. The footage is unpolished and silent. No commentary. No music. Just movement. This is often what displacement looks like before it is reduced to numbers in a report. What has unsettled many residents is not only the threat itself, but its timing. Turji had not been visibly active in recent months. For communities used to living under armed pressure, such quiet can feel like a break. But those who have watched these cycles before are cautious. Silence from armed groups rarely means retreat. More often, it signals regrouping, repositioning, or waiting for attention to shift elsewhere.

A Sokoto based observer who has tracked armed groups in the eastern part of the state for years put it plainly. When figures like Turji resurface after a lull, it is often about reasserting presence and control. The warning itself becomes the weapon. Communities are forced to respond, whether or not violence follows immediately. The geography of fear in the area has also shifted. In parts of Shinkafi Local Government Area in Zamfara State, including Shinkafi town and villages such as Katuru, Jangeru, and Kanwa, residents are reported to have reached an understanding with Turji. Under these arrangements, communities agree not to confront him or report his movements. In return, they hope to avoid attacks. People involved in such deals rarely describe them as agreements made freely. They call them survival strategies. When protection feels unreliable, people look for ways to reduce harm, even if it means living under the rules of armed men. It is a harsh calculation, but not a new one. The result is predictable. Pressure moves elsewhere. Communities that do not enter such arrangements, or cannot, become more exposed. Those monitoring the situation say Turji’s attention has shifted toward areas including Isa, Sabon Birni, Goronyo, Wurno, and Rabah. In these places, the expectation of state intervention still exists, however fragile. That expectation alone can make them targets. In such an environment, threats are often enough. People flee before shots are fired. And once they leave, returning becomes harder, even if violence does not immediately follow. Schools shut down. Markets thin out. Farming schedules collapse. The damage accumulates quietly.

While villages in Sokoto were emptying, another community hundreds of kilometres away was waking up to bloodshed. In the early hours of the morning, around 1.30 am, armed attackers entered Otobi Akpa, a community in Otukpo Local Government Area of Benue State. Local accounts and an emergency report later issued by the Benue State Civil Protection Guards indicate that the attackers went straight to a provision shop where several residents were gathered. Among them was Igbabe Ochi, a former councillor and the Peoples Democratic Party’s House of Assembly candidate for the Otukpo Akpa constituency in the 2019 elections. By the time the attackers withdrew, Ochi and three other men at the shop were dead. A woman was also killed in related violence that same night, bringing the confirmed death toll to five. In communities like Otobi Akpa, names carry weight. Loss is personal. The victims identified at the shop were Igbabe Ochi, Achibi Onah, Eje Eba, and Sunday Iruja. These were not distant figures. They were neighbours. Residents say the attackers looted food items from the shop, suggesting they were looking for supplies. When gunshots rang out, local youths tried to mobilise. By then, the attackers were already retreating, disappearing into nearby forest cover. Community leaders say the attackers entered through the railway station bridge, approaching from the Ijami axis of Otobi. It is a detail that matters. It points to familiarity with the terrain and an understanding of response gaps. Otobi Akpa has been dealing with rising insecurity for months. Kidnappings have been reported in the area, with residents alleging that armed herders operating nearby have refused to vacate Akpa land despite repeated disputes. Whether every incident involves the same actors is difficult to establish conclusively. For residents, that distinction offers little comfort. Fear does not wait for investigations to conclude.

In Benue, as in much of Nigeria’s north central region, farmer herder tensions have long moved beyond disputes over grazing routes. They have hardened into cycles of organised violence. Night attacks. Quick strikes. Retreats into forests. Slow or delayed security responses. Each incident deepens suspicion. Each burial narrows the space for trust. The killing of a former councillor adds another layer of concern. It raises questions about whether political figures are being deliberately targeted or whether status offers no protection once violence erupts. Either way, it highlights how thin the line has become between public service and personal danger .As communities in Benue buried their dead, attention briefly shifted to Abuja.

The United States military, through its Africa Command, confirmed the delivery of what it described as critical military supplies to Nigerian authorities. The handover took place in the capital. The statement was measured. It spoke of supporting Nigeria’s ongoing operations and reinforcing a shared security partnership. Nigeria has received foreign military assistance many times before. Equipment, training, intelligence sharing, and logistics support have all featured in counterterrorism efforts over the years. Each delivery is presented as a capacity boost. Each comes with official optimism. For villagers fleeing Tidibale or families mourning in Otobi Akpa, such announcements can feel far removed from daily reality. The distance between supplies handed over in Abuja and safety felt in rural communities remains significant. This is not to dismiss the value of international support. Equipment can help. Training can help. Partnerships can matter. But none of these function in isolation. Without clear strategy, accountability, trusted local intelligence, and sustained presence, supplies alone do not stop people from running at the sound of a threat. There is a question that keeps returning in these communities. Why does a warning from an armed group leader carry more immediate weight than reassurance from the state? Part of the answer lies in experience. In eastern Sokoto, threats have often been followed by attacks. In Benue, midnight raids are not abstract possibilities. They leave names, graves, and families behind.

Another part lies in communication. Security agencies rarely speak directly to rural communities in ways that build confidence. When they do, it is often after incidents occur, using language that feels distant from daily life. People learn quickly whose words align with what happens next. Then there is the uncomfortable reality of negotiated coexistence. When whole towns decide not to report criminal activity as a way to stay alive, state authority has already been weakened. Breaking that cycle takes more than force. It requires trust, protection that people can see, and options that feel real, not promised. Across these regions, women, children, and the elderly are carrying much of the burden. Displacement and hunger, interrupted schooling, health risks, and long term economic damage. Missing a planting season costs farmers more than crops. It can cost an entire year of income. Yet stories like these struggle to hold national attention. They compete with politics, urban concerns, and official optimism. When they do break through, they are often flattened into headlines that miss the slow, grinding nature of what is unfolding.

What is happening is not random chaos. It is a pattern. Many times armed groups test limits while communities adapt in painful ways, Security responses arrive late or misaligned, External partners step in and then the cycle repeats. For now, Tidibale waits is half emptied. Across these distances, ordinary Nigerians continue to adjust their lives around threats they did not create and cannot control. There is no shouting here. Just a quiet, growing understanding that until security becomes something people feel every day, not something announced occasionally, fear will keep moving faster than any official convoy.

The killing of two security operatives in Benue State has once again drawn national attention to the worsening security crisis facing rural communities in Nigeria’s Middle Belt. The attack, which occurred in Kwande Local Government Area, underscores the growing vulnerability of both civilians and state security personnel amid persistent violence linked to armed groups operating in farming communities. On Saturday, an officer of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) and a soldier attached to a joint security operation were shot dead at Udeku community in the Turan district of Kwande Local Government Area. The incident has triggered fear, displacement, and the total shutdown of daily life in the affected area. According to accounts from local leaders and security sources, the two operatives were among personnel deployed to Kwande to reinforce peace efforts following repeated attacks attributed to armed herders. The officers were said to have left their duty post earlier in the day and travelled on a motorcycle to Aga Market to refill cooking gas for their camp. While returning, they reportedly encountered an illegal roadblock mounted by armed attackers believed to be Fulani militants who were simultaneously launching an assault on Udeku community. The operatives were taken by surprise and came under heavy gunfire. Both were killed on the spot. A community source familiar with the incident said the attack was swift and brutal, leaving the officers with no opportunity to defend themselves or call for backup. Their bodies were later set ablaze, a development that deepened anger and grief among residents.

Local youths, upon learning of the killings, mobilised quickly and combed surrounding forest areas. The charred remains of the slain officers were eventually recovered and transported to a mortuary in Jato Aka for preservation and identification. The immediate aftermath of the attack has been devastating for Udeku and neighbouring settlements. Residents fled their homes in large numbers, fearing further violence and possible reprisals. Farms, markets, schools, and other social spaces were abandoned as panic spread across the area. Mr. Lawrence Akerigba, a community leader in Turan district, confirmed that the killings had effectively paralysed life in Udeku. He said many families had sought refuge in nearby towns and villages, while others moved deeper into the bush to escape potential attacks. According to him, the community had been living under constant threat even before the latest incident, but the killing of security personnel marked a turning point that shattered any remaining sense of safety. “This attack has forced people to flee in fear. Farming activities have stopped, markets are closed, and the entire area is now deserted,” Akerigba said.

Security agencies have acknowledged the incident, though details have emerged gradually through separate confirmations. A senior military officer attached to Operation Whirl Stroke, the joint security task force operating across parts of Benue, Nasarawa, and Taraba states, confirmed that a soldier was killed during the incident. Speaking anonymously due to lack of authorisation, the officer disclosed that the slain military personnel was an aircraftman attached to the operation. The Benue State Police Command also reacted to the incident. The Police Public Relations Officer, DSP Udeme Edet, clarified that no police officer was among the casualties but confirmed the death of an officer from another security agency. Separately, the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps formally confirmed the loss of one of its personnel. The NSCDC spokesperson in Benue State, Mr. Michael Ejelikwu, said the attack occurred around 3:00 pm on Saturday, January 10, 2026. Ejelikwu identified the slain NSCDC officer as CCA Tijani Idris, service number 76691, who was originally from the Kaduna State Command but had been seconded to the Operation Whirl Stroke Joint Task Force in Benue. He stated that three security operatives were attacked during the incident, resulting in two fatalities. Despite the setback, the NSCDC spokesman said the corps remained resolute in its commitment to tackling insecurity.

The killings in Udeku did not occur in isolation. Kwande Local Government Area has experienced repeated violent incidents over the past several months, many of them linked to disputes between farmers and armed herders. Local sources revealed that just a week before the latest attack, suspected armed herders invaded the same area and killed at least five farmers. Those victims were reportedly attacked while working on their farms, reinforcing fears that agricultural communities are being deliberately targeted. These attacks have contributed to rising food insecurity, as farmers abandon their lands during peak cultivation periods. Benue State, often described as Nigeria’s “food basket,” has been particularly affected, with violence disrupting food production and rural livelihoods. The resurgence of attacks in Benue has alarmed traditional rulers and local government officials across the state. In separate discussions, a traditional ruler from Gwer West Local Government Area, HRH Daniel Abomtse, and the Chairman of Agatu Local Government Area, Mr. James Ejeh, warned of increasing movement of armed groups into Benue communities. They expressed concern that bandits displaced from other regions may be exploiting weak security coverage in rural areas, creating new flashpoints for violence. Their concerns align with reports of heightened insecurity in parts of the Middle Belt following recent military actions against insurgent groups in northern Nigeria. Since the United States airstrike on ISWAP camps in Sokoto on December 25, security analysts have observed shifting patterns of armed violence, including possible relocation of fighters and weapons into vulnerable regions. While no direct link has been officially established between the airstrike and the Benue attacks, the timing has raised questions about broader regional security dynamics.

Operation Whirl Stroke and Its Challenges

Operation Whirl Stroke was established to address insecurity in Benue and neighbouring states, particularly clashes involving armed herders, banditry, and communal violence. The task force brings together personnel from the military, police, NSCDC, and other security agencies. Despite its presence, attacks have continued, highlighting the complexity of the security challenges in rural Nigeria. Vast forests, difficult terrain, and limited intelligence capabilities have made it hard for security forces to prevent ambushes and track armed groups. The killing of operatives attached to the operation has renewed debate about the safety, resources, and operational strategies of joint task forces deployed to volatile areas. Security experts note that when security personnel themselves become targets, it not only affects morale but also undermines public confidence in the state’s ability to protect lives and property. For residents of Udeku and similar communities, the deaths of the two operatives are both tragic and symbolic. Many locals viewed the presence of security personnel as a lifeline amid repeated attacks. Their killing has deepened feelings of abandonment and fear.

Community leaders have called for a stronger and more permanent security presence, alongside improved intelligence gathering and collaboration with locals who understand the terrain. There are also renewed calls for the federal and state governments to address the root causes of the violence, including disputes over land use, grazing routes, and the proliferation of illegal arms. In the coming days, security agencies are expected to review their deployment strategies in Kwande Local Government Area and surrounding communities. Reinforcements may be sent to prevent further attacks and to reassure displaced residents. Investigations into the killings are also anticipated, though past incidents have raised concerns about accountability and the ability to bring perpetrators to justice.

Humanitarian needs are likely to grow as displaced families seek shelter, food, and medical care. Local authorities and aid groups may need to intervene to prevent a deepening humanitarian situation.

For now, Udeku remains tense and largely deserted, serving as a stark reminder of the fragile security situation in many parts of rural Nigeria. The deaths of the two operatives have added urgency to calls for a more comprehensive and sustained response to violence in Benue State—one that protects both civilians and those tasked with safeguarding them.

Boast African reporting: Uganda is once again at a political crossroads as President Yoweri Museveni 81 years old positions himself for a seventh term in office nearly four decades after taking power. The move has set off fresh fighting and debate across the country and beyond about leadership, democracy, stability and the long term cost of prolonged rule in Africa. For a nation where most citizens have never known another leader, Museveni’s latest ambition is not just about one election, it is about what kind of state Uganda will become after 40 years under the same man. At stake is a complex legacy that blends undeniable achievements with growing authoritarianism, early revolutionary ideals with present-day power consolidation. Museveni once openly condemned African leaders who clung to office. Today, he is testing the limits of that very principle.

Museveni’s ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) has made it clear that the veteran leader remains its flagbearer ahead of the next presidential election. Having already won six elections since 1996 after initially taking power through armed struggle in 1986, Museveni is now seeking to extend his rule well into his ninth decade of life. His continued dominance has been enabled by far reaching constitutional changes. Term limits were removed in 2005  and in 2017, the age cap for presidential candidates was scrapped after a turbulent parliamentary session that descended into physical violence among lawmakers. Together, these amendments cleared all legal obstacles to Museveni’s indefinite stay in power. Supporters portray his candidacy as a guarantee of continuity and security. Critics see it as confirmation that Uganda has quietly shifted from a post-can onflict democracy into a personalised state built around one man and his family. To understand Museveni’s hold on Uganda, it is necessary to revisit his origins. Born in 1944 in Ankole, western Uganda, into a family of cattle keepers, Museveni grew up during the final years of British colonial rule. Like many of his generation, his political consciousness was shaped by the struggle for independence and the violent instability that followed it. After leaving Uganda to study economics and political science at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania, Museveni was immersed in a hotbed of pan-African and revolutionary thought. The campus produced several future African leaders and liberation figures, and it was there that Museveni built networks that later proved critical. His rise accelerated in the 1970s under the brutal dictatorship of Idi Amin. Museveni became involved in armed resistance and later joined the coalition of rebel groups that, with Tanzanian military backing, overthrew Amin in 1979. Amin’s regime, remembered for mass killings, ethnic persecution and economic collapse, left Uganda traumatised and desperate for stability. When Milton Obote returned to power after disputed elections in 1980, Museveni rejected the outcome and launched a guerrilla war. After five years of insurgency, his National Resistance Army captured Kampala in 1986, ushering in what many Ugandans initially viewed as a new dawn.

Early Gains and International Approval

Museveni’s first decade in power earned widespread praise. Uganda emerged from years of chaos into relative calm. The economy stabilised and began to grow, averaging more than six percent annually for several years. Primary education expanded rapidly, and Uganda’s aggressive public health campaign helped slow the spread of HIV at a time when the epidemic was devastating much of sub-Saharan Africa. Western governments embraced Museveni as part of a new generation of African leaders—pragmatic, reform-minded and committed to economic liberalisation. International donors poured in aid, and Uganda became a showcase for post-conflict recovery. For many citizens, especially those who lived through the Amin and Obote years, Museveni’s rule brought a level of peace that felt invaluable. By the late 1990s, however, cracks began to appear. Uganda’s involvement in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo—alongside Rwanda—damaged Museveni’s international standing. The war, fought in support of Congolese rebel groups, led to accusations of human rights abuses and economic exploitation. Domestically, political tolerance narrowed. Opposition figures complained of harassment, selective prosecutions and increasing interference by security agencies. The promise that Museveni would eventually hand over power began to ring hollow. This shift became explicit in 2005 when the government removed presidential term limits from the constitution. The move directly contradicted Museveni’s own earlier writings, in which he blamed Africa’s troubles on leaders who refused to leave office. For many Ugandans, that moment marked the end of any illusion that he intended to oversee a democratic succession. The removal of age limits in 2017 reinforced that perception. The chaotic scenes in parliament during the debate—lawmakers physically fighting as security forces intervened—symbolised how deeply contested the issue had become.

Museveni’s longevity has been matched by the systematic weakening of opposition movements. Former allies who turned critics found themselves marginalised or targeted. Dr Kizza Besigye, once Museveni’s personal physician and a senior figure in the liberation struggle, became his most persistent electoral challenger. Since first contesting the presidency in 2001, Besigye has been arrested numerous times, charged with treason and other offences, and repeatedly blocked from campaigning freely. His continued detention on treason charges—following a controversial transfer from Kenya back to Uganda—has raised serious questions about due process and judicial independence. More recently, Robert Kyagulanyi, widely known as Bobi Wine, has emerged as a powerful symbol of generational dissent. A former pop star with mass appeal among young Ugandans, Bobi Wine transformed his celebrity into political mobilisation, directly challenging Museveni’s grip on the youth vote. His rise has been met with force. Arrests, beatings, campaign restrictions and violent dispersal of rallies have become recurring features of his political life. Security agencies have justified their actions on public order grounds, but local and international observers argue that the state is using excessive force to silence dissent. United Nations reports and rights groups have documented cases of abductions, use of live ammunition against demonstrators, and intimidation of opposition supporters, especially during election periods.

Media and Institutions Under Strain

Uganda still boasts a vibrant media landscape on paper, but journalists increasingly operate under pressure. Radio stations have been shut down, newsrooms raided and reporters detained or assaulted, particularly when covering protests or opposition politics. The judiciary, once seen as relatively independent, has also come under scrutiny. Critics accuse the government of promoting judges perceived as loyal to the ruling party while sidelining those who issue unfavourable rulings. High-profile confrontations between the courts and security forces—such as the 2005 re-arrest of suspects acquitted by the High Court—have undermined public confidence in institutional autonomy. Together, these developments paint a picture of a state where formal democratic structures exist, but real power is tightly controlled. Despite the criticism, Museveni retains a loyal base. The NRM argues that Uganda’s relative stability in a volatile region is no accident. While neighbouring countries have grappled with civil wars, coups and state collapse, Uganda has remained largely intact. Government officials point to the country’s role as Africa’s largest refugee host, sheltering millions fleeing conflicts in South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and elsewhere. They argue that such openness is only possible because of strong, experienced leadership. The administration has also pursued foreign investment aggressively, courting partners from China, the Middle East and Europe. Museveni’s long-term vision is to transform Uganda into a middle-income economy by 2040, with infrastructure development and industrialisation at its core. To his supporters, Museveni is not a dictator but a seasoned statesman who understands the country’s fragility and refuses to gamble its future on untested leadership. 

As Museveni ages, concerns about succession have intensified. His wife, Janet Museveni, serves as education minister, while his son, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, heads the armed forces. The younger Museveni’s rapid rise through military ranks and outspoken presence on social media have fuelled speculation that he is being groomed as heir apparent. General Kainerugaba’s controversial online statements—ranging from regional provocations to admissions of detaining political figures—have alarmed both domestic critics and regional observers. For many Ugandans, the possibility of a dynastic transition threatens to undo whatever institutional stability Museveni claims to have built. The NRM has offered no clear roadmap for leadership transition, reinforcing fears that power is becoming increasingly personalised.

Museveni enters this next phase confident, projecting vitality and authority. He continues to portray himself as a father figure to the nation’s youth, even as that same demographic overwhelmingly backs the opposition. His message remains consistent: Uganda is secure, and continuity is the safest path forward. Yet beneath that confidence lies uncertainty. A population that is young, digitally connected and politically restless is pressing against a system designed for permanence. The longer succession is postponed, the more disruptive it may become when change finally arrives. Museveni’s seventh-term bid is more than a personal quest for power. It is a defining test of Uganda’s political maturity, institutional resilience and capacity for peaceful renewal. Whether the country can navigate the tension between stability and democratic accountability will shape its trajectory long after Museveni’s era eventually ends.

Farming communities in Benue State are once again confronting a familiar and troubling reality: insecurity that strikes at the heart of their livelihoods. In Adogo, a rural settlement in Ukum Local Government Area, recent attacks blamed on suspected armed herders have not only wiped out crops but have also forced farmers off their land, raising renewed concerns about food production, rural safety, and the state’s ability to protect its agrarian population. What makes the latest incident particularly significant is not just the destruction of farmlands, but the speed with which fear has spread through the community. For residents who depend almost entirely on agriculture for survival, abandoning farms—even temporarily—can have devastating consequences. The situation in Adogo reflects a broader pattern across parts of Benue, where repeated violence linked to disputes over land use and grazing continues to undermine farming activities.

The attacks reportedly occurred in Adogo, within Ugbaam Council Ward of Ukum LGA. According to community sources, armed men believed to be herders invaded farmlands and destroyed crops valued at millions of naira. Cassava farms were among those affected, with crops allegedly uprooted or consumed by cattle brought into the area.The assault came without warning, residents said, triggering panic and forcing many farmers to flee. Some families reportedly left their homes entirely, relocating to safer nearby communities or staying with relatives while they assess the risk of returning. A respected community leader, Chief Aule Gba, confirmed the incident and described the impact as severe. He explained that farming activities in Adogo and surrounding villages had been effectively brought to a halt. According to him, the fear of further attacks has driven many farmers away from their fields, disrupting both current harvests and preparations for the next planting cycle.

For farmers in Adogo, the destruction goes beyond financial loss. Crops such as cassava are not only cash crops but also staples for household consumption. Losing them means reduced income, food shortages, and deeper vulnerability for families already operating on thin margins. Residents say the psychological toll has been heavy. The sight of armed men moving freely through farmlands has heightened anxiety, particularly among women and older farmers who are less able to flee quickly in the event of an attack. Many now avoid venturing far from their homes, even during daylight hours. Chief Gba noted that the attacks have created a climate of uncertainty. Farmers who would normally be preparing their land or tending crops are now weighing the risk to their lives against the need to earn a living. In his words, people are “relocating out of fear of being attacked and killed,” a situation he warned could worsen if left unaddressed.

Benue State, often described as Nigeria’s “food basket,” has for years been at the center of violent clashes involving farmers and herders. The state’s fertile land attracts both crop farmers and pastoralists, but competition over land and water resources—compounded by climate pressures, population growth, and the proliferation of small arms—has repeatedly escalated into violence.

Ukum LGA, located in the Sankera axis of Benue, has experienced periodic security challenges over the past decade. Communities in this area are largely agrarian, cultivating crops such as yam, cassava, maize, and soybeans. Any disruption to farming activities here has ripple effects beyond the local economy, affecting food supply chains within and outside the state. In response to past violence, Benue enacted anti-open grazing legislation aimed at regulating livestock movement and reducing clashes. While the law has been praised by some farming communities, enforcement has remained uneven, particularly in remote areas with difficult terrain and limited security presence. The Adogo incident appears to underscore these enforcement gaps. According to community accounts, the attackers were able to move through farms with little resistance, suggesting either an absence of security patrols or delayed response capacity.

This have troll more light on Claims of illegal migration and security gaps in the state 

Chief Gba attributed the renewed violence to what he described as unchecked movement of armed herders into parts of Benue State. He argued that authorities have not adequately addressed the issue of armed groups entering rural communities, leaving residents exposed. His comments reflect a common grievance among farmers in the region, who often complain that early warning signs—such as the arrival of unfamiliar armed groups or cattle grazing on cultivated land—are ignored until violence erupts. In Adogo, residents say there were no visible preventive measures before the farms were attacked. The terrain in Ukum LGA further complicates security efforts. Many villages are connected by poor road networks, making rapid deployment of security forces difficult. Limited mobile phone coverage in forested areas also hampers communication during emergencies, allowing attackers to exploit these weaknesses. Community members say these conditions have emboldened armed groups, who operate with the confidence that response times will be slow. As a result, even the presence of law enforcement in nearby towns has not translated into a sense of safety for villagers working in remote farmlands.

In the wake of the attacks, community leaders have renewed calls for a comprehensive security review. Chief Gba urged the Benue State Security Council to rethink its current approach and consider closer collaboration with federal authorities, particularly the Ministry of Defence. He suggested that addressing violence in hard-to-reach areas may require more advanced capabilities, including aerial surveillance and tactical operations targeting forest hideouts. According to him, without proactive measures, attacks on farming communities are likely to continue. This call highlights a broader debate within Nigeria about the appropriate balance between state-level security initiatives and federal intervention. While states like Benue have established local security outfits and community vigilante groups, their capacity is often limited by funding, training, and access to equipment. Residents of Adogo say they are not necessarily demanding a permanent military presence, but rather a visible and responsive security framework that deters attacks and reassures farmers that they can safely return to their fields.

Beyond the immediate humanitarian impact, the attacks in Adogo raise concerns about food security. When farmers abandon their land, even temporarily, production drops. Over time, this can contribute to higher food prices and reduced availability of staple crops. Local farmers interviewed by community representatives expressed frustration that repeated incidents have made long-term planning nearly impossible. Some said they are reluctant to invest in seeds or labor when there is no guarantee they will be able to harvest. Chief Gba warned that the situation could escalate into a broader food crisis if left unchecked. He noted that Adogo and surrounding communities play a role in supplying food to local markets, and prolonged disruption could affect both rural and urban consumers. These concerns echo national conversations about the link between insecurity and rising food inflation. As farming becomes riskier in parts of the country, production shifts or declines, placing additional strain on already vulnerable households.

As of the time of reporting, there had been no official statement from the Benue State Police Command regarding the Adogo incident. Efforts to reach the police spokesperson, DSP Udeme Edet, were unsuccessful. The absence of an immediate response has added to residents’ frustration. Community members say clear communication from security agencies is crucial, even if investigations are ongoing. Without official updates, rumors and fear can spread quickly, further destabilizing affected areas. In past incidents across the state, delayed or muted official reactions have sometimes fueled perceptions that rural communities are being neglected. Adogo residents are hoping that this time, authorities will act swiftly to restore confidence. For now, many farmers remain displaced, waiting for assurances of safety before returning to their land. Community leaders are expected to continue engaging local government officials and security agencies in the coming days, pressing for patrols and preventive measures.

If the state responds with increased security presence and clear enforcement of existing laws, residents believe farming activities could gradually resume. However, without sustained action, there is concern that the attacks could become more frequent, pushing more families out of agriculture altogether. The situation in Adogo serves as a reminder that rural insecurity is not just a local issue but a national challenge with economic and social consequences. How authorities respond in the coming weeks may determine whether communities like Adogo can reclaim their fields—or whether fear will continue to define daily life in one of Nigeria’s key farming regions.

The unbelievable shock happened in Marrakech Today 

Played at the Stade de Marrakech, the quarter-final unfolded as a contest between Nigeria’s attacking ambition and Algeria’s structured resistance. From the opening whistle, the Super Eagles imposed themselves, dictating the tempo and pushing Algeria into a largely reactive role. Nigeria’s intent was clear early on. They pressed high up the pitch, moved the ball quickly through midfield, and tried to stretch Algeria’s back line using width and pace. Victor Osimhen led the line with his usual physical presence, constantly occupying defenders and creating space for those around him. Ademola Lookman and Akor Adams provided support from wide and central positions, while Alex Iwobi orchestrated play from midfield. The first half produced several promising moments for Nigeria, though the breakthrough proved elusive before the interval. Akor Adams went closest, missing a clear chance when through on goal, and later seeing another effort dramatically cleared off the line. Algeria, for all their defensive focus, remained in the contest thanks in part to goalkeeper Luca Zidane, who made a number of timely interventions to keep his side level. After the break, Nigeria’s pressure finally told. The opening goal came from a familiar source. Victor Osimhen rose above his markers to power home a header, rewarding Nigeria’s sustained dominance and breaking down Algeria’s resistance. The goal shifted the momentum decisively in Nigeria’s favour. Rather than retreating, the Super Eagles continued to push forward. Their second goal arrived when Akor Adams finished confidently following an assist from Osimhen, a moment that highlighted the striker’s all-round contribution beyond scoring. At 2–0, Nigeria had breathing space and used it intelligently, managing the game and limiting Algeria’s opportunities to respond. Despite changes from the Algerian bench, Nigeria’s defensive organisation held firm. Wilfred Ndidi screened the back line effectively, breaking up attacks and ensuring that Algeria struggled to find rhythm in the final third. By the time the final whistle sounded, Nigeria had sealed a convincing and well-earned victory.

Nigeria’s tournament journey so far

The quarter-final success was built on a strong foundation laid earlier in the competition. Nigeria entered the knockout stages with momentum after a dominant 4–0 win over Mozambique in the Round of 16. That result not only secured passage to the last eight but also confirmed Nigeria as the tournament’s most prolific attacking side, with 12 goals scored in four matches at that point. This attacking output has been achieved without sacrificing balance. Nigeria’s approach has combined intensity, physicality, and technical quality, with goals coming from multiple players rather than relying on a single source. Osimhen has been central to that success, but the contributions of players like Lookman, Adams, and Iwobi have ensured that opponents cannot focus their defensive plans on one individual alone. Equally important has been Nigeria’s defensive solidity. While the headlines often focus on goals, the Super Eagles have shown discipline and composure at the back, particularly in high-stakes matches. The clean sheet against Algeria was a testament to that defensive maturity. Algeria were not a routine opponent. Coming into the quarter-final, they had built a reputation at the tournament as one of the most difficult teams to break down. They had conceded just once in four matches and remained unbeaten, relying on organisation, compact defending, and swift counter-attacks.

For Nigeria, overcoming such a side required more than raw attacking power. It demanded patience, intelligent movement, and tactical discipline. The first-half frustration, when chances went begging, tested Nigeria’s composure. In previous tournaments, such moments have sometimes led to rushed decisions or loss of structure. This time, the Super Eagles stayed calm and trusted their game plan. The ability to break down Algeria after the interval reflected both effective halftime adjustments and the players’ belief in their system. It was a sign of growth and adaptability, qualities that often separate champions from contenders.

Tactical balance and key performances In The Game Today 

Several individual performances stood out, not just for their quality but for how they fit into the team’s overall structure. Victor Osimhen’s goal was crucial, but his influence extended far beyond that single moment. His movement unsettled Algeria’s defenders throughout the match, and his assist for the second goal underlined his unselfishness and awareness. Alex Iwobi played a quieter but no less important role, providing the link between defence and attack. His ability to retain possession under pressure and choose the right moments to advance the play helped Nigeria maintain control, especially during periods when Algeria attempted to regain momentum. Wilfred Ndidi’s contribution in midfield was equally vital. His reading of the game allowed Nigeria to disrupt Algerian counters before they developed, ensuring that the defence was rarely exposed. The full-backs and wingers also played their part, stretching the pitch and forcing Algeria to defend wider than they might have preferred. Collectively, these elements created a performance that was cohesive rather than reliant on individual brilliance alone.

Reactions and analysis

The reaction around the Super Eagles camp has been one of cautious optimism. While the victory was celebrated, there is a clear understanding that the challenges ahead will be even greater. Analysts and former players have pointed to Nigeria’s improved game management as a key takeaway from the match. Rather than chasing goals recklessly after taking the lead, Nigeria showed restraint and intelligence. This composure has sometimes been lacking in past editions of the tournament, making its presence now particularly encouraging. From a broader African football perspective, the match also highlighted the depth of quality on the continent. A traditionally strong Algerian side was outplayed, not because they performed poorly, but because Nigeria executed their plan more effectively on the day.

Looking ahead to Morocco

Nigeria’s reward for their quarter-final victory is a semi-final meeting with Morocco, the tournament hosts. Morocco booked their place in the last four after overcoming Cameroon, setting up a clash that promises intensity, atmosphere, and high stakes. Playing against the hosts presents unique challenges. Morocco will enjoy home support and familiarity with conditions, and they have their own ambitions of lifting the trophy on home soil. For Nigeria, the task will be to maintain the same level of focus and discipline shown against Algeria, while also coping with the added pressure of the occasion. Tactically, the semi-final is likely to demand even greater precision. Morocco’s style differs from Algeria’s, and Nigeria will need to adapt accordingly. The depth and versatility already displayed by the Super Eagles suggest they are capable of doing so, but execution will be crucial.

What may happen next if accuracy is maintain 

If Nigeria can replicate the balance, intensity, and composure shown in Marrakech, they will enter the semi-final with legitimate belief. A place in the final would not only bring them closer to continental silverware but also reinforce the sense that this generation of players is ready to restore Nigeria’s dominance at the Africa Cup of Nations. For now, the focus remains on preparation and recovery. The journey is not complete, but the victory over Algeria has provided both momentum and confidence. As the tournament reaches its decisive phase, Nigeria have shown that they are not merely participants—they are contenders with a clear vision and the performances to match. The semi-final against Morocco will test that belief to its limits. How the Super Eagles respond will define not just their tournament, but potentially a new chapter in Nigeria’s AFCON history.

The armed invasion of a traditional ruler’s palace in Adanla, Kwara State, has become more than a local crime story. It has emerged as a troubling signal that violent criminal networks are no longer limiting themselves to highways, farmlands, or isolated travellers. By striking at the heart of a rural community and targeting a revered traditional institution, the attackers shattered a long-held assumption that cultural authority and communal heritage still offered some measure of protection against Nigeria’s widening insecurity. For residents of Adanla and surrounding settlements in Kwara South, the incident has forced an uneasy reckoning: if a monarch’s palace can be overrun, few places can truly be considered safe.

What Happened in Adanla Today

On the evening of Friday, December 26, 2025 — a day when many families were still marking the Christmas season — armed men entered Adanla community in Ifelodun Local Government Area. The attackers moved quietly into the town around 6:30 p.m. and made straight for the palace of the Elerin of Adanla Irese, Oba David Adedumoye. According to accounts from community leaders and local security sources, the assault lasted nearly an hour. During that time, the gunmen overpowered those within the palace, abducted seven members of the royal household, injured two people, and ransacked parts of the complex. Foodstuffs prepared for ongoing festive activities, along with phones and personal belongings, were taken away. The monarch himself was not present when the attackers arrived. Oba Adedumoye had travelled to Ilorin earlier that day. Witnesses later said the assailants repeatedly demanded to know his whereabouts and asked specifically about the queen, suggesting that members of the royal family were the primary targets rather than incidental victims. By the time soldiers and local vigilantes were mobilised and reached the area, the attackers had withdrawn into the surrounding forests. As of December 31, 2025, no arrests had been announced, and the abducted individuals remained in captivity. The kidnappers have since contacted the monarch, demanding a ransom of ₦300 million for their release.

Kidnapping is not new to parts of Nigeria, including Kwara State. What has unsettled many observers about the Adanla incident is its symbolism and execution. Rather than ambushing travellers or seizing farmers in remote fields — tactics more commonly associated with banditry — the attackers chose a palace, a space that embodies authority, tradition, and communal identity. In Yoruba communities, the king’s palace is not merely a residence. It functions as a court, a meeting place, and a living link between past and present. An attack on such a space carries psychological weight far beyond the number of victims involved. For Adanla residents, it felt like an assault on the community’s dignity and history. Equally striking was the confidence with which the attackers operated. Eyewitnesses said the gunmen appeared familiar with the palace layout, moving directly to specific rooms and identifying particular individuals. This level of precision has fuelled speculation that the group may have had access to inside information.

Adanla is a small, agrarian settlement with a reputation for calm. Most of its indigenes live in larger towns and cities, returning periodically for farming, cultural events, or family obligations. Those who reside there year-round depend largely on farming, charcoal trading, and small-scale agriculture. Violent crime has not traditionally defined life in the area. This is why the palace invasion was received with shock and disbelief. Residents interviewed after the incident described a pervasive sense of violation — not only fear for personal safety, but anxiety about what the attack represents for the future of rural communities that have long relied on social cohesion rather than heavy security presence. While the palace raid marked a dramatic escalation, it did not occur in isolation. Weeks earlier, a woman trading charcoal at Oniyangi farms, within the same axis, was abducted by armed men. She reportedly spent about a month in captivity before her release, which followed the payment of a ₦5 million ransom. Her freedom came only days before the Adanla attack. Security analysts note that incidents like these point to a broader pattern across parts of Kwara South, particularly in Ifelodun and neighbouring Irepodun Local Government Area. The region’s geography — dense forests, rocky hills, and numerous caves — provides natural cover for criminal groups. Over time, these features have been exploited to establish hideouts from which attacks can be launched and escape routes secured. As pressure increases in other parts of the country, bandit groups appear to be probing new territories, testing response times and community defences.

One of the most sensitive aspects of the Adanla incident is the suspicion, voiced quietly by residents, that the attackers may have received local assistance. Witnesses recalled that one member of the group — masked, unlike the others — appeared to recognise specific individuals within the palace, directing his accomplices on whom to seize and whom to leave alone. This individual reportedly gave instructions in both Yoruba and Fulfulde. Although his Yoruba was said to be imperfect, his familiarity with the palace and its occupants has raised uncomfortable questions about whether he had ties to the community or access to detailed information from someone who did. Such fears are not unique to Adanla. Across rural Nigeria, economic hardship and weakened communal bonds have heightened anxieties about informants and collaborators, even as communities struggle to maintain trust among neighbours.

Security Response and Its Constraints

Following the attack, joint teams of soldiers, police officers, and local vigilantes conducted search operations in nearby forests. These efforts align with broader security measures adopted by the Kwara State Government and federal authorities, including the deployment of military personnel, training of forest guards, and support for community-based security initiatives. Yet the Adanla case underscores persistent challenges. Response time remains a major weakness. The attackers were able to operate for close to an hour without interruption. By the time reinforcements arrived, the forest had once again provided cover. Security coordinators in the region acknowledge that kidnapping has proved difficult to eradicate. Criminal groups adapt quickly, exploit gaps in coordination, and take advantage of limited manpower and logistics in rural areas. Many community leaders argue that local vigilante groups are an essential but under-resourced line of defence. Drawn from the communities they protect, vigilantes possess intimate knowledge of footpaths, forest routes, and local dynamics that outsiders often lack. However, most operate as unpaid volunteers with limited equipment and communication tools. While their commitment is rarely questioned, their capacity is constrained. Advocates say better integration with formal security agencies, along with clearer rules of engagement and sustained funding, could significantly improve early warning and rapid response without creating parallel power structures.

Security analysts have also pointed to timing. The Adanla attack occurred during the dry season, when foliage thins and visibility in forests improves. Some argue this period offers an opportunity for more assertive patrols and surveillance, including the use of aerial monitoring against known hideouts. Others caution that tactics such as bush burning must be carefully managed to avoid harming civilians and the environment. Beyond immediate tactics, the incident has revived national debates about Nigeria’s security architecture. Proposals for state police forces continue to divide opinion. Supporters see them as a way to ease pressure on overstretched federal agencies; critics warn of politicisation and abuse. An alternative often cited is the expansion or adaptation of regional security models like Amotekun in the South-West, which blend local knowledge with structured oversight. Whether such frameworks can be effectively applied in Kwara remains uncertain.

For now, the focus in Adanla is painfully narrow: the safe return of the abducted royal household members. Negotiations, security operations, and community prayers are ongoing as families wait for news. Longer term, the palace invasion has forced a reckoning for authorities and citizens alike. It has demonstrated that banditry is evolving, growing bolder, and increasingly willing to challenge traditional symbols of authority. Whether the lessons from Adanla lead to more effective protection for rural communities will depend on what follows — improved intelligence, faster response, deeper community trust, and sustained investment in local security capacity. Until then, a community once defined by quiet routines and cultural continuity is left grappling with fear, uncertainty, and the hope that its ordeal will not become a blueprint for future attacks elsewhere.